Warren G. Harding’s Return to Normalcy – Harding, Coolidge, and the Roaring Twenties – Immensely Popular Statesman Who Reversed Most of Woodrow Wilson’s Damage – Americans: Set Your Own House in Order First – Put an End to False Economics Which Lure Humanity to Utter Chaos – Get Out of the Fevered Delirium of War
Source: Dick Eastman / Gnostic Liberation Front
Here is an amazingly good but unfortunately long-forgotten idea from the President that imposter historians like Arthur Schlesinger Jr. have been deceitfully telling us was “the worst president in our history.” Revisionist historians, i.e. true historians, know better.
Warren G. Harding — contrary to what almost everyone has been taught by imposter historians like Arthur Schlesinger Jr. (the anti-MacArthur, anti-McCarthy, anti-populist, anti-Jefferson Zionist Jew who the Money Power placed as the “Camelot court historian” after John Kennedy’s assassination, so that he could rewrite the Kennedy history to suit the Rockefeller interests while gatekeeping (or destroying) all of the critical documents. Schlesinger assassinated what Kennedy stood for — opposition to the Money Power conspiracy — just as the gunmen assassinated the man himself.
Warren Gamaliel Harding was not “the worst President in American history” — in fact, he was the greatest in terms of what he accomplished and opened up for the Coolidge Administration (featuring the economics of Irving Fisher and Andrew Mellon) to continue. Only the deliberate sabotage of the economy by Bernard Baruch, Paul Warburg, Percy Rockefeller, and other Wall Street speculators in 1929 brought America’s last true golden age, the “Roaring Twenties,” to an end.
Harding was the President who ended the crushing centralized war economy and “war-on-terror-like” police state of Woodrow Wilson and Bernard Baruch after WWI. Harding, with Calvin Coolidge as his Vice President, was the first President elected with the newly enfranchised women’s vote. He promoted the view of American progress that was Henry Ford’s view and Thomas Edison’s view — not the vision of the Rockefellers, Morgans, and Baruchs, which holds us in its death grip today.
“If, despite this attitude, war is again forced upon us, I earnestly hope a way may be found which will unify our individual and collective strength and consecrate all America, materially and spiritually, body and soul, to national defense. I can vision the ideal republic, where every man and woman is called under the flag for assignment to duty for whatever service, military or civic, the individual is best fitted; where we may call to universal service every plant, agency, or facility, all in the sublime sacrifice for country, and not one penny of war profit shall inure to the benefit of private individual, corporation, or combination, but all above the normal shall flow into the defense chest of the Nation. There is something inherently wrong, something out of accord with the ideals of representative democracy, when one portion of our citizenship turns its activities to private gain amid defensive war while another is fighting, sacrificing, or dying for national preservation. Out of such universal service will come a new unity of spirit and purpose, a new confidence and consecration, which would make our defense impregnable, our triumph assured. Then we should have little or no disorganization of our economic, industrial, and commercial systems at home, no staggering war debts, no swollen fortunes to flout the sacrifices of our soldiers, no excuse for sedition, no pitiable slackerism, no outrage of treason. Envy and jealousy would have no soil for their menacing development, and revolution would be without the passion which engenders it.” (Inaugural address, 4 March 1921)
“America’s present need is not heroics, but healing; not nostrums, but normalcy; not revolution, but restoration; not agitation, but adjustment; not surgery, but serenity; not the dramatic, but the dispassionate; not experiment, but equipoise; not submergence in internationality, but sustainment in triumphant nationality.” (“Readjustment” speech, Home Market Club of Boston, Massachusetts, 14 May 1920)
“The voice of the United States has a respectful hearing in international councils, because we have convinced the world that we have no selfish ends to serve, no old grievances to avenge, no territorial or other greed to satisfy. But the voice being heard is that of good counsel, not of dictation. It is the voice of sympathy and fraternity and helpfulness, seeking to assist but not assume for the United States burdens which nations must bear for themselves. We would rejoice to help rehabilitate currency systems and facilitate all commerce which does not drag us to the very levels of those we seek to lift up.” (State of the Union address, 8 December 1922)
“We are ready to associate ourselves with the nations of the world, great and small, for conference, for counsel; to seek the expressed views of world opinion; to recommend a way to approximate disarmament and relieve the crushing burdens of military and naval establishments. We elect to participate in suggesting plans for mediation, conciliation, and arbitration, and would gladly join in that expressed conscience of progress, which seeks to clarify and write the laws of international relationship, and establish a world court for the disposition of such justiciable questions as nations are agreed to submit thereto. In expressing aspirations, in seeking practical plans, in translating humanity’s new concept of righteousness and justice and its hatred of war into recommended action we are ready most heartily to unite, but every commitment must be made in the exercise of our national sovereignty. Since freedom impelled, and independence inspired, and nationality exalted, a world supergovernment is contrary to everything we cherish and can have no sanction by our Republic. This is not selfishness, it is sanctity. It is not aloofness, it is security. It is not suspicion of others, it is patriotic adherence to the things which made us what we are.” (Inaugural address, 4 March 1921)
“Perhaps we can make no more helpful contribution by example than prove a Republic’s capacity to emerge from the wreckage of war. While the world’s embittered travail did not leave us devastated lands nor desolated cities, left no gaping wounds, no breast with hate, it did involve us in the delirium of expenditure, in expanded currency and credits, in unbalanced industry, in unspeakable waste, and disturbed relationships. While it uncovered our portion of hateful selfishness at home, it also revealed the heart of America as sound and fearless, and beating in confidence unfailing. Amid it all we have riveted the gaze of all civilization to the unselfishness and the righteousness of representative democracy, where our freedom never has made offensive warfare, never has sought territorial aggrandizement through force, never has turned to the arbitrament of arms until reason has been exhausted. When the Governments of the earth shall have established a freedom like our own and shall have sanctioned the pursuit of peace as we have practiced it, I believe the last sorrow and the final sacrifice of international warfare will have been written.” (Inaugural address, 4 March 1921)
“Let me speak to the maimed and wounded soldiers who are present today, and through them convey to their comrades the gratitude of the Republic for their sacrifices in its defense. A generous country will never forget the services you rendered, and you may hope for a policy under Government that will relieve any maimed successors from taking your places on another such occasion as this. Our supreme task is the resumption of our onward, normal way. Reconstruction, readjustment, restoration, all these must follow. I would like to hasten them. If it will lighten the spirit and add to the resolution with which we take up the task, let me repeat for our Nation, we shall give no people just cause to make war upon us; we hold no national prejudices; we entertain no spirit of revenge; we do not hate; we do not covet; we dream of no conquest, nor boast of armed prowess.” (Inaugural address, 4 March 1921)
“Let’s get out of the fevered delirium of war, with the hallucination that all the money in the world is to be made in the madness of war and the wildness of its aftermath. Let us stop to consider that tranquillity at home is more precious than peace abroad, and that both our good fortune and our eminence are dependent on the normal forward stride of all the American people.” (“Readjustment” speech, 14 May 1920)
“It is one thing to battle successfully against world domination by military autocracy, because the infinite God never intended such a program, but it is quite another thing to revise human nature and suspend the fundamental laws of life and all of life’s acquirements…. This republic has its ample tasks. If we put an end to false economics which lure humanity to utter chaos, ours will be the commanding example of world leadership today. If we can prove a representative popular government under which a citizenship seeks what it may do for the government rather than what the government may do for individuals, we shall do more to make democracy safe for the world than all armed conflict ever recorded. The world needs to be reminded that all human ills are not curable by legislation, and that quantity of statutory enactment and excess of government offer no substitute for quality of citizenship. The problems of maintained civilization are not to be solved by a transfer of responsibility from citizenship to government, and no eminent page in history was ever drafted by the standards of mediocrity. More, no government is worthy of the name which is directed by influence on the one hand, or moved by intimidation on the other.” (“Readjustment” speech, 14 May 1920)
Warren Harding was neither a corrupt president, nor a president who would not do something when corruption was discovered. Harding did discover corruption in his White House — and not immediately knowing what to do, he took a goodwill tour to Alaska and the West Coast, from where he telegraphed Herbert Hoover to meet him. In his autobiography, Herbert Hoover relates his discussion with Harding about what a president should do when he discovers corruption in his cabinet, and Harding’s apparent resolution to do what has to be done upon his return. Harding died in San Francisco. I doubt that Hoover was involved, but I think it likely that Hoover was too loose in sharing his confidences with the President — or that Hoover, being called to San Francisco, signalled those doing wrong (in the Teapot Dome scandal or perhaps other scandals that Harding discovered — he played cards with his bad apples regularly, and it is there that Harding may have learned about oil deal corruption, and may also have presented some “tell” that let the other poker players know he had caught something in a remark during a game and didn’t like what he heard). The best con-men — scammers in the big leagues — are very good at reading people and their faces.
Within minutes of Warren G. Harding’s death, at either 7:10, 7:20, or 7:30 p.m. on August 2, 1923, rumors began to circulate. No one present at his demise could give the correct time of death. No one seemed to be sure who was on hand in the San Francisco hotel room when he breathed his last. Most of all, the four physicians who had been caring for Harding for the previous week could not agree on the cause of death. It had something to do with his heart. On the other hand, perhaps it was a stroke. Alternatively, it could have been both, exacerbated by the ptomaine poisoning that he may or may not have experienced a few days earlier in Vancouver. Despite the confusion over the time of death, surely an autopsy would resolve the uncertainty about what killed Warren G. Harding.
Except — there was no autopsy. Mrs. Harding — the “Duchess,” as her husband called her — would not permit it. Within an hour of his death, he was embalmed, rouged, powdered, dressed, and in his casket. By morning, he was on a train, headed back to Washington, D.C.
For a month, former First Lady Harding gathered and destroyed by fire President Harding’s correspondence and documents, both official and unofficial. Upon her return to Marion, Ohio, Mrs. Harding hired a number of secretaries to collect and burn President Harding’s personal papers. According to Mrs. Harding, she took these actions to protect her husband’s legacy. The remaining papers were held and kept from public view by the Harding Memorial Association in Marion.
Harding made very good choices on the important cabinet positions — Charles Evans Hughes, Secretary of State; Andrew Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury; Herbert Hoover, Secretary of Commerce — but allowed the party or important campaign supporters to fill the position of Secretary of the Interior with Albert B. Fall — the man who leased the public oil reserve at Teapot Dome to Big Oil behind Harding’s back.
Address Delivered before the Ohio Society of New York, Waldorf Hotel, New York City (January 10, 1920)
The debate over whether the Senate should agree to the Treaty of Versailles with its provision for entry into the League of Nations continued through the fall of 1919 and early months of 1920. On January 10, 1920, Senator Harding spoke to the meeting of the Ohio Society of New York at the Waldorf Hotel in New York City. He cautioned that America should hesitate before surrendering its hard-won nationality to the dream of the internationalists – the League of Nations – and to “think of America first.” The Senate rejected the treaty by seven votes in March 1920.
My countrymen, the first flaming torch of Americanism was lighted in framing the Federal Constitution in 1787. The Pilgrims signed their simple and majestic covenant a full century and a half before, and set aflame their beacon of liberty on the coast of Massachusetts. Other pioneers of New World’s freedom were rearing their new standards of liberty from Jamestown to Plymouth, for five generations before Lexington and Concord heralded the new era. It was all American in the destined result, yet all of it lacked the soul of nationality.
In simple truth, there was no thought of nationality in the revolution for American independence. The colonists were resisting a wrong, and freedom was their solace. Once it was achieved, nationality was the only agency suited to its preservation. Americanism really began when robed in nationality. The American Republic began the blazed trail of representative popular government. Representative democracy was proclaimed the safe agency of highest human freedom. America headed the forward procession of civil, human, and religious liberty, which ultimately will effect the liberation of all mankind. The Federal Constitution is the very base of all Americanism, the “Ark of the Covenant” of American liberty, the very temple of equal rights. The Constitution does abide and ever will, so long as the Republic survives.
Let us hesitate before we surrender the nationality which is the very soul of highest Americanism. This Republic has never failed humanity, nor endangered civilization. We have been tardy sometimes – like when we were proclaiming democracy and neutrality, and yet ignored our national rights – but the ultimate and helpful part we played in the Great War will be the pride of Americans so long as the world recites the story. We do not mean to hold aloof, we choose no isolation, we shun no duty. I like to rejoice in an American conscience; and in a big conception of our obligation to liberty, justice, and civilization – aye, and more. I like to think of Columbia’s helping hand to new republics which are seeking the blessings portrayed in our example. But I have a confidence in our America that requires no council of foreign powers to point the way of American duty. We wish to counsel, cooperate, and contribute, but we arrogate to ourselves the keeping of the American conscience, and every concept of our moral obligation.
It is time to idealize, but it’s very practical to make sure our own house is in perfect order before we attempt the miracle of Old World stabilization. Call it selfishness of nationality if you will, I think it an inspiration to patriotic devotion – to safeguard America first, to stabilize America first, to prosper America first, to think of America first, to exalt America first, to live for and revere America first.
Let the internationalist dream and the Bolshevist destroy. God pity him for whom no minstrel raptures swell. In the spirit of the Republic, we proclaim Americanism and acclaim America.
“Readjustment” (Boston, May 14, 1920)
The basis for this recording was an address entitled “Back to Normal” that Senator Harding delivered to the Home Market Club of Boston on May 14, 1920. He reminded citizens that all human ills are not curable by legislation (a gentle chiding of the Democrats), and stated that “if we can prove a representative popular government under which the citizenship seeks what it may do for the government and country, rather than what the country may do for individuals, we shall do more to make democracy safe for the world than all armed conflict ever recorded.” The listener can catch the extraordinary ability of the senator with words and the quickness and imagination with which he could speak. The speech is also notable for Harding’s phrase “not heroics, but healing; not nostrums, but normalcy.” Critics of the senator would claim that he coined the word “normalcy,” which actually goes back to Elizabethan times.
My countrymen, there isn’t anything the matter with the world’s civilization, except that humanity is viewing it through a vision impaired in a cataclysmal war. Poise has been disturbed, and nerves have been racked, and fever has rendered men irrational. Sometimes there have been draughts upon the dangerous cup of barbarity, and men have wandered far from safe paths, but the human procession still marches in the right direction. Here in the United States, we feel the reflex, rather than the hurting wound itself; but we still think straight, and we mean to act straight, and we mean to hold firmly to all that was ours when war involved us, and seek the higher attainments which are the only compensations that so supreme a tragedy may give mankind.
America’s present need is not heroics, but healing; not nostrums, but normalcy; not revolution, but restoration; not agitation, but adjustment; not surgery, but serenity; not the dramatic, but the dispassionate; not experiment, but equipoise; not submergence in internationality, but sustainment in triumphant nationality. It’s one thing to battle successfully against the world’s domination by a military autocracy, because the infinite God never intended such a program; but it’s quite another thing to revise human nature and suspend the fundamental laws of life and all of life’s requirements.
The world calls for peace. America demands peace, formal as well as actual; and means to have it, so we may set our own house in order. We challenge the proposal that an armed autocrat should dominate the world, and we choose for ourselves to cling to the representative democracy which made us what we are.
This republic has its ample task. If we put an end to false economics which lure humanity to utter chaos, ours will be the commanding example of world leadership today. If we can prove a representative popular government, under which a citizenship seeks what it may do for the government and country, rather than what the country may do for individuals, we shall do more to make democracy safe for the world than all armed conflict ever recorded.
The world needs to be reminded that all human ills are not curable by legislation, and that quantity of statutory enactment and excess of government offer no substitute for quality of citizenship. The problems of maintained civilization are not to be solved by a transfer of responsibility from citizenship to government, and no eminent page in history was ever drafted to the standards of mediocrity; more, no government worthy of the name, which is directed by influence on the one hand, or moved by intimidation on the other.
My best judgement of America’s needs is to steady down, to get squarely on our feet, to make sure of the right path. Let’s get out of the fevered delirium of war, with the hallucination that all the money in the world is to be made in the madness of war and the wildness of its aftermath. Let us stop to consider that tranquility at home is more precious than peace abroad, and that both our good fortune and our eminence are dependent on the normal forward stride of all the American people. We want to go on, secure and unafraid, holding fast to the American inheritance, and confident of the supreme American fulfillment.
Speech Upon Arrival of World War One Dead for Burial (Hoboken, May 23, 1921)
President Harding speaks at Hoboken, New Jersey at a ceremony honoring 5,212 soldiers, sailors, marines, and nurses who were killed defending our country in the World War. He expressed hope for “a nation so righteous as never to make a war of conquest and a nation so powerful in righteousness that none will dare invoke her wrath.” He praises the members of the armed services for their service and assures our mindfulness, our gratitude, and noted that our reverence for them should be in the preservation of the republic for which they died. He also declared, “I would not wish a nation for which men are not willing to fight, and if need be die, but I do wish for a nation where it is not necessary to ask that sacrifice.”
My countrymen, there grows on me the realization of the unusual character of this occasion. Our republic has been at war before, it has asked and received the supreme sacrifices of its sons and daughters, and faith in America has been justified. Many sons and daughters made the sublime offering and went to hallowed graves as the Nation’s defenders. But we never before sent so many to battle under the flag in a foreign land; never before was there the impressive spectacle of thousands of dead returned to find eternal resting place in the beloved homeland. The incident is without parallel in the history that I know.
These dead know nothing of our ceremony today. They sense nothing of the sentiment or the tenderness which brings their wasted bodies to the homeland for burial, close to kin and friends and cherished associations. These poor bodies are but the clay tenements once possessed of souls which flamed in patriotic devotion; lighted new hopes on the battlegrounds of civilization; and in their sacrifices, sped on to accuse autocracy before the court of eternal justice.
We are not met for them, though we love and honor and speak a grateful tribute. It would be futile to speak to those who do not hear, or to sorrow for those who cannot sense it, or to exalt those who cannot know. But we can speak for country; we can reach those who sorrowed, and sacrificed through their service; who suffered through their going; who glory with the Republic through their heroic achievements; who rejoice in the civilization their heroism preserved. Every funeral, every memorial, every tribute is for the living – an offering in compensation of sorrow. When the light of life goes out, there’s a new radiance in eternity, and somehow the glow of it relieves the darkness which is left behind.
Never a death but somewhere a new life; never a sacrifice but somewhere an atonement; never a service but somewhere and somehow an achievement. These have served, which is the supreme inspiration in living. They have earned everlasting gratitude, which is the supreme solace in dying.
No one may measure the vast and varied affections and sorrows centering on this priceless cargo of bodies – once living, fighting for, and finally dying for the Republic. One’s words fail, his understanding is halted, his emotions have stirred beyond control when contemplating these thousands of beloved dead. I find a hundred thousand sorrows touching my heart. There’s ringing in my ears like an admonition eternal, an insistent call: “It must not be again! It must not be again!” God grant that it will not be, and let a practical people join in cooperation with God to the end that it shall not be.
I would not wish a Nation for which men are not willing to fight and if need be to die, but I do wish for a nation where it’s not necessary to ask that sacrifice. I do not pretend that millennial days have come, but I can believe in the possibility of a Nation being so righteous as never to make a war of conquest, and a Nation so powerful in righteousness that none will dare invoke her wrath. I wish, for us, such an America. These heroes were sacrificed in the supreme conflict of all human history. They saw democracy challenged and defended it. They saw civilization threatened and rescued it. They saw America affronted and resented it. They saw our Nation’s rights imperiled and stamped those rights with a new sanctity and renewed security.
We shall not forget, no matter whether they lie amid the sweetness and the bloom of the homeland, or asleep in the soil they crimsoned. Our mindfulness, our gratitude, our reverence shall be in the preserved Republic, the maintained liberty, and the supreme justice for which they died.
Source: Mike King, TomatoBubble.com
Why was “America’s worst president” so popular?
In 1920, America is tired of Woodrow Wilson’s war, Globalism, high taxes, and creeping socialism. Pledging a “return to normalcy”, Warren Harding (R-OH), an opponent of entry into the League of Nations, is elected President. Harding’s victory over liberal Democrat James Cox (D-OH) and his running mate Franklin D. Roosevelt, is the largest Presidential Election landslide in America’s history (60% – 34%)!
In his inaugural address, Harding lays the smackdown upon the Wilsonian Zio-Globalists:
“The recorded progress of our Republic, materially and spiritually, proves the wisdom of the inherited policy of noninvolvement in Old World affairs. Confident of our ability to work out our own destiny, and jealously guarding our right to do so, we seek no part in directing the destinies of the Old World. We do not mean to be entangled. We will accept no responsibility except as our own conscience and judgment, in each instance, may determine.”
“We sense the call of the human heart for fellowship, fraternity, and cooperation. We crave friendship and harbor no hate. But America, our America, the America built on the foundation laid by the inspired fathers, can be a party to no permanent military alliance. It can enter into no political commitments, nor assume any economic obligations which will subject our decisions to any other than our own authority.”
Harding inherits a severe Wilsonian economic depression. He quickly moves to dramatically slash income taxes and government spending (both by 50%!). Harding undoes Wilson’s damage, proclaims American neutrality, and returns the country to the limited government days of Wilson’s predecessor, William Howard Taft (who he names as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court).
With the private economy now freed from the parasitic dead weight of big government, an historic economic boom soon follows. The “Roaring Twenties” will be a period of prosperity and happiness for the American people. And boy-oh-boy are the Globo-Zio-Socialists pissed off!
Harding’s support for free markets, limited government, low taxes, neutral foreign policy, and his refusal to grant diplomatic recognition to Lenin’s murderous Soviet Union, are all positions that anger the Globalists. An intense newspaper smear campaign regarding an “oil scandal” involving members of Harding’s administration is then unleashed against the highly popular President.
The “Teapot Dome” scandal got its name from Harding’s correctly dismissing it as a “tempest in a teapot”. Elements of the Eastern Globalist Press are unrelenting in their breathless attacks upon Harding. But the American public isn’t buying the propaganda. Harding, and his policies, remain popular!
In 1923, while recovering from a strange sickness that had stricken him in San Francisco, President Harding shudders and dies suddenly in the middle of conversation with his wife. Doctors cannot agree on the cause of his strange death. Within an hour of his demise, Harding’s body is embalmed and placed in a casket. The following morning, the body is on a train, headed back to Washington. Incredibly, no autopsy is performed! The suspicion (“conspiracy theory”) of a deliberate poisoning rages throughout America.
The sudden death of the immensely popular 57-year-old statesman, who successfully reversed most of Wilson’s damage in only 29 months, remains a mystery to this day. Not much is known about how Harding’s soft-spoken successor (Vice President Calvin Coolidge) will govern. It soon becomes apparent that Coolidge’s tenure (1923-1928) will be just as pro-freedom as Harding’s. The Globalists and their wholly owned Federal Reserve Bank will have to wait until 1929 to deliberately crash the economy under Herbert Hoover, and then install FDR in 1933.
Hatin’ on Harding – it never ends!
Dick Eastman interviewed on Rense
Feb. 21, 2007 – Jeff Rense interviews Dick Eastman on the power of Bernard Baruch (1870-1965) over Woodrow Wilson, Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Dwight D. Eisenhower; and Baruch’s hand in the Great Depression, New Deal economy, both World Wars and the Cold War.
Reference notes for Eastman/Rense interview on Bernard Baruch: