Timothy McVeigh: Dead Man Breathing?
Eyewitness to Timothy McVeigh’s Execution
by apfnorg 10,336 views
Publication date: 02/21/2007
Duration: 04:27 [video link]
Live: MSNBC (June 11, 2001)
MIKA BRZEZINSKI: I’m Mika Brzezinski. In the passing of Timothy McVeigh, just after seven this morning local time, there was elation, there was anger, there was numbness for the many who watched his death firsthand – and for the man who has become known as the OKC Bomber, a last flash of defiance, in a poem. Details about that poem, and the witnesses who saw McVeigh take his final breath, from NBC’s Gregg Jarrett, live outside the federal prison in Terre Haute, Indiana: Gregg.
GREGG JARRETT: Mika, Timothy McVeigh walked in to the execution chamber voluntarily, he was not kicking and screaming, he uh, he got up on the table on his own, and his legs were strapped on, his arms were strapped on, he did not utter a final statement – he waived that right and said it was a written statement, and he simply copied a 19th century poem – and let me just read a couple of portions of which, we have up on the screen for you. The very end of it says, “I am the master of my fate: I am the captain of my soul. My head is bloody, but unbowed.” He was remorseless, he was unrepentant. And most of the people who look at Timothy McVeigh in the seconds before he died said there wasn’t a scintilla of fear.
Well, one of the people who watched him die inside the media witness room – just ten of them selected by a lottery – Susan Carlson of WLS Radio in Chicago, the ABC affiliate, who joins us now, just outside the U.S. penitentiary in Terre Haute, Indiana.
Susan, you told me a moment ago off camera, what you, what struck you the most about Timothy McVeigh, as he was about to take his last few breaths, was the eye contact: describe it.
SUSAN CARLSON: He made a point – he was strapped down and, and covered in sheets like he was a mummy. And he made a point to lift his head up, and look at each one of us across the room, and nodded, in… almost a twisted kind of pleasure. He seemed very pleased that he was being watched, he seemed very satisfied with what was about to happen; and it… I think that it all goes into his whole final statement: that he, he was not afraid of death, he viewed this as the final… the final step, the conclusion to the, this whole elaborate plan that he’s had all the way along, that he knew was going to happen.
GREGG JARRETT: As if the government wasn’t doing it to him: he was voluntarily… doing it to himself?
SUSAN CARLSON: The eye contact convinced me that he felt he was in control in the room. He deliberately locked gazes with each of us and nodded, like, “Okay: this is going to happen, I know this is going to happen, I’m okay with it, and I’m in control here.” That was the, the nonverbal message that I think he was trying to communicate to everybody. It was a little disturbing to watch, because he seemed satisfied.
GREGG JARRETT: Satisfied! Well, let me, let me play off that for just a moment, if I can. He had said in the past, uh, that he wasn’t really worried about the afterlife: that if there was a hell, he said, “I’ll have plenty of company.” And yet, we have learned from Pete Williams‘ reporting to the Justice Department, that Timothy McVeigh, while strapped to the gurney there, in the execution chamber, did ask for last rites – uh, not full rights, but last rites of the Catholic Church. That might indicate he had second thoughts about his earlier remarks of an afterlife; and yet you sensed no fear.
SUSAN CARLSON: No fear – no fear whatsoever. No, no statement, no verbal statement – nothing to say. They, they did offer him the opportunity to speak, and I think everybody was waiting with bated breath… for what he was about to say, and he remained stone cold silent, stared directly at the ceiling, stoic, stoically, after he had made a point looking at all of us, he looked at the ceiling, he laid back down, and from that point on, he had no expression whatsoever. In fact, it was hard to even tell when he had passed on, because, of his shallow breathing – or what appeared to be shallow breathing – continued, even after they pronounced him dead, and his eyes remained open the entire time – I don’t even think he blinked – and he died with his eyes open.
GREGG JARRETT: This was the first time you’ve ever seen an execution…
SUSAN CARLSON: Yes.
GREGG JARRETT: How, how did it affect you?
SUSAN CARLSON: I had to separate myself emotionally, and, um, go in there as a reporter with a job to do, and gather all of the information, and make as many observations as I could, and report back. I think, personally, the effect… will take a little more time to sink in: that a man’s life was taken away right in front of me. That part of it I don’t think has really sunk in yet.
GREGG JARRETT: Susan Carlson, WLS –
William Ernest Henley (1849–1903)
Out of the night that covers me,
Black as the Pit from pole to pole,
I thank whatever gods may be
For my unconquerable soul.
In the fell clutch of circumstance
I have not winced nor cried aloud.
Under the bludgeonings of chance
My head is bloody, but unbowed.
Beyond this place of wrath and tears
Looms but the Horror of the shade,
And yet the menace of the years
Finds, and shall find, me unafraid.
It matters not how strait the gate,
How charged with punishments the scroll,
I am the master of my fate:
I am the captain of my soul.
March 9, 2001
McVeigh’s Body Won’t Be Autopsied
By P. SOLOMON BANDA
DENVER (AP) — The body of Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh will not be autopsied after his scheduled execution May 16, his attorneys and an Indiana coroner agreed Friday.
McVeigh’s lawyers filed an agreement in U.S. District Court, signed by Coroner Susan Amos of Indiana’s Vigo County, which calls for a physical examination of McVeigh before the execution and a noninvasive examination after his death at the U.S. Penitentiary in Terre Haute, Ind.
Judge Richard Matsch, who presided over McVeigh’s case in Denver, must approve the agreement. There was no indication when he might rule.
The agreement calls for a member of the defense team to accompany McVeigh’s body after his execution to ensure his request is granted.
”Mr. McVeigh has religious, ethical and philosophical objections to an autopsy being performed upon his body after the execution,” his lawyers wrote in the agreement.
McVeigh has said he opposes the ”planned mutilation of my corpse.”
McVeigh was convicted of murder, conspiracy and weapons-related charges and sentenced to die for the April 19, 1995, bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. The explosion killed 168 people.
McVeigh ended all appeals in December.
A telephone message left after hours Friday for McVeigh’s lawyer, Nathan Chambers, was not immediately returned. Federal prison officials in Terre Haute do not allow inmates to receive telephone calls.
According to the agreement, the examination before the execution will look for signs of physical abuse. The coroner has said autopsy results could be used to defend lawsuits filed by death-row inmates who allege mistreatment or abuse.
McVeigh has agreed to sign a statement that says he has not been abused while in custody. If he refuses to sign, an autopsy will be conducted, according to the agreement.
After the execution, the coroner will examine McVeigh’s body and take photographs and X-rays if necessary. The coroner will be able to perform an autopsy if she sees evidence of abuse and if McVeigh’s attorney approves.
The agreement says pictures, X-rays and other medical information gathered by the coroner’s office will remain confidential.
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U.S. executes McVeigh, ‘unbowed’ till the end
Victims, survivors of bombing given justice, Bush says
Not an act of ‘vengeance’
Attorney attempts to humanize killing of a ‘sergeant,’ a son
June 12, 2001 | By Ellen Gamerman, BALTIMORE SUN NATIONAL STAFF
TERRE HAUTE, Ind. – His eyes wide open and his face betraying no emotion, Timothy J. McVeigh was executed by lethal injection yesterday, six years after the Oklahoma City bombing that killed 168 people and injured hundreds more.
Inside the death chamber at the federal prison, the last words McVeigh heard were spoken by U.S. Marshal Frank Anderson: “Warden, we may proceed with the execution.”
With that, a combination of three chemicals was injected into a vein in McVeigh’s right leg. The first left him unconscious. The second halted his breathing. The third stopped his heart. He was pronounced dead at 7:14 a.m. local time (8:14 a.m. EDT).
Before his execution, with his lips pressed together, McVeigh said nothing when the prison warden asked whether he had any last words. He instead kept his body rigid and his focus on the ceiling. Later, the warden released a statement from McVeigh, a transcription in his careful penmanship of the poem “Invictus.”
“In the fell clutch of circumstance, I have not winced nor cried aloud. Under the bludgeonings of chance, my head is bloodied, but unbowed,” he printed under the heading, “Final Written Statement of Timothy McVeigh.” He signed off: “I am the master of my fate; I am the captain of my soul.”
Warden Harley Lappin said McVeigh stepped onto the execution gurney and waited for guards to apply the restraints. “Inmate McVeigh was calm throughout the entire process,” Lappin said.
A short time later, President Bush said the killing of McVeigh – the first federal execution since 1963 – was justified. McVeigh, 33, was sentenced to death for plotting and carrying out the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building, the deadliest terrorist attack in the United States.
“The victims of the Oklahoma City bombing have been given not vengeance, but justice,” a somber Bush said at the White House. “And one young man met the fate he chose for himself six years ago.”
McVeigh had asked that two of his attorneys be among his witnesses at the execution and that one of them, Robert Nigh Jr., dispose of his cremated remains in an undisclosed place. Nigh, who had worked on last-minute appeals for McVeigh after the belated release of thousands of pages of FBI documents, appeared shaken after the execution.
The lawyer spoke of the government’s death sentence with contempt and said the United States is “incapable of inflicting the death penalty in a fair manner.”
“We killed Bill and Mickey’s son this morning,” Nigh said of McVeigh, a decorated Persian Gulf war soldier who grew up in suburban Buffalo, N.Y., the seemingly ordinary child of an auto worker and a travel agent. “We killed Timothy McVeigh, the person responsible for the Oklahoma City bombing, but we did much more than that. We also killed Sergeant McVeigh, the young man who joined the Army because he wanted to serve his country.”
McVeigh approached his execution with silence and no apparent remorse. He stared into all four windows behind which the witnesses sat, then overhead at the ceiling, where a camera was beaming his image to more than 230 survivors, friends and relatives of the victims watching on closed-circuit TV in Oklahoma City.
McVeigh, who called himself a soldier in a war against an out-of-control government, sought revenge for federal raids near Waco, Texas, and Ruby Ridge, Idaho.
On April 19, 1995, the second anniversary of the Waco raid, he filled a truck with ammonium nitrate and racing fuel and stood by as his bomb destroyed the Murrah building – including a day care center where 19 children died.
In a recent book, McVeigh is quoted as confessing that he masterminded the explosion. A convicted co-conspirator, Terry Nichols, is serving a life sentence in federal prison and faces a state death penalty trial in Oklahoma. A third man, Michael J. Fortier, who pleaded guilty to failing to warn authorities of McVeigh’s plot and other bomb-related charges, is serving a 12-year sentence.
Before dawn yesterday, Attorney General John Ashcroft met with survivors and relatives of the victims in Oklahoma City, thanking them for their patience during the trial and the one-month delay in the execution caused by the release of previously withheld FBI documents.
McVeigh ate a last meal of two pints of mint chocolate chip ice cream Sunday and spent many of his last hours watching news about his case on a television in his holding cell adjacent to the death chamber. Early yesterday, after sleeping on and off through the night, McVeigh was led into the execution chamber. As the curtains in the death chamber opened, witnesses in four rooms saw McVeigh lying on a gurney that was covered in a white sheet, looking thinner than he had during his trial in federal court four years ago. He wore a white T-shirt and was wrapped tightly in a white sheet, which covered the intravenous tubes and electrocardiogram wires. The witnesses included representatives of the government, the victims, the news media and of McVeigh.
Lappin, the warden, read the judgment against McVeigh and then signaled that the flow of deadly chemicals should begin. The warden, in a dark suit, did not look at McVeigh during the four-minute execution, according to witnesses, instead staring at the floor, his hands clasped.
McVeigh, pale with dark circles under his eyes and a crewcut, strained from under the straps of the gurney to look at his attorney and three other witnesses, nodding at them and seeming to mouth the start of the word “OK.”
Then he turned to the 10 media representatives, holding their gaze and nodding at each individually, without discernible feeling.
McVeigh scanned the government officials behind plate glass, witnesses said, and made a cursory glance toward the smoked-glass window behind which sat survivors and victims’ relatives, the only people he could not see.
He seemed “in control of the room,” said Shepard Smith, a Fox News reporter and witness. “About 60 seconds before the first drug was administered, he stared at the ceiling and tensed his lips and kept his eyes opened and checked out. My sense was that he was killing himself instead of allowing the government to do it for him.”
As the first drug was administered, witnesses said, McVeigh took a couple of deep breaths, once puffing his cheeks up with air and blowing it out. As the second and third chemicals were injected through IV tubes – the toxic combination that killed McVeigh – reporters saw McVeigh’s eyes roll back slightly and grow glassy but never close.
Witnesses said there was never an exact moment when McVeigh appeared to pass from life to death, just a slow change in skin color, from pale to pasty white to light yellow. For the entire execution, they said, he lay so immobile that he barely seemed to blink.
Crocker Stephenson, a reporter at the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, said there was “no sign of suffering, no sign of discomfort, no sign of fear. There was an emotionlessness about it that I wouldn’t describe as peaceful. I would describe it more as blank.”
The survivors and relatives of the victims who witnessed the execution held hands and tried to support each other. “It was pretty emotional there for a few minutes,” said Paul Howell, whose daughter was among the victims. “It was just a big relief, just a big sigh come over my body and felt real good.”
Outside the prison, Bob Papovich, a longtime friend of McVeigh’s from Michigan whom McVeigh had written from prison, recalled: “Last time he wrote me, he said, ‘Perhaps it’s time we cut off communications and go our separate ways.’ He has a dry sense of humor like that.”
Papovich said McVeigh had asked him to make the rounds yesterday in the media city that sprang up outside the prison to continue denouncing the federal government on his behalf.
“Tim wants me to spearhead an effort with the media to open all sealed court documents in his case,” Papovich said. “You’d find a conspiracy there.”
Scores of protesters gathered in two camps for peaceful demonstrations. Upon McVeigh’s execution, anti-death penalty protesters sat in a circle in a moment of silence. The night before, the Rev. Ron Ashmore, a Roman Catholic priest who occasionally counseled McVeigh in prison, read a prayer that McVeigh had requested, from Ecclesiastes, which ended with the verse: “A time to love, and a time to hate; a time for war, and a time for peace.”
About 30 minutes before his execution, McVeigh discussed his general health with a coroner, part of an unusual deal he had made with the prison to avoid an autopsy.
Nigh took possession of the body, which was to be cremated in Terre Haute. McVeigh had discussed scattering his ashes along the Erie Canal, where he walked with his grandfather as a boy, or perhaps at the site of the siege near Waco. Recognizing that many people would probably want to desecrate the place where his ashes were scattered, McVeigh asked one of his attorneys to ensure that his remains be placed in a spot that would remain a secret.
Tim McVeigh was supposedly executed by lethal injection after he was found guilty of the Oklahoma bombing. He was just another one of those disenchanted “lone bombers” (like “lone gunman”) who just wanted to blow up a lot of people, or so the press would have you believe. They suggested that he was upset with the government over the Waco disaster, so he detonated a fertilizer bomb that destroyed most of the Murrah Building and killed over a hundred innocent people, including many children.
We won’t go into the extensive evidence showing that Tim McVeigh did not blow up the building, and I’ll show who really did it. One clue: Osama bin Laden and the Arabs had NOTHING to do with it. The evidence is in many places on the internet, and eventually I will write about it on my website. But it takes time to write these extensive exposes.
Right now we’ll just look at the facts of Tim McVeigh’s supposed execution.
As a physician, keeping close watch on the commercial news, I KNEW for a fact, they had no intention of executing Tim McVeigh, for reasons I will soon disclose.
Tim McVeigh was not a disgruntled member of some ragtag militia. He worked for the CIA. But this was a false flag operation, meaning a purposeful disaster planned against a government’s own citizens, in this case the U.S. government against U.S. citizens, to frighten the people, to get them to surrender their rights willingly, and to further the government’s goals of increased control. Primarily, it was done by the U.S. Government in order to get the antiterrorist legislation passed – which, indeed, DID happen within weeks of the Oklahoma bombing.
In America, these false flag operations have happened many times in the past, most notably at Pearl Harbor. The goal of the government at that time was to frighten the people enough to make them willing to go to war and die, or to be willing to send their sons to war to die, but NOT for freedom – instead, to further the aims of the One World Government run by the Illuminati/Zionist Jews. Those terms will soon be defined on my website home page.
Back to Tim McVeigh’s supposed execution.
1. After a prisoner is sentenced to death, he has many chances for appeal; virtually all prisoners take them, anxious to stay alive at any cost. Yet Tim McVeigh asked for his execution date to be moved up; that is almost unheard of.
2. While in prison, Tim McVeigh was visited numerous times, apparently 18 times, by a psychiatrist named Dr. Louis Jolyon West, often referred to as Dr. Jolly West. Dr. West was the chairman of the Department of Psychiatry at UCLA, but his real job was as a CIA asset, in charge of the MKULTRA Mind Control program.
Dr. West had also paid visits to Sirhan Sirhan, another supposed lone gunman, accused of killing Robert Kennedy, but in reality a product of the CIA mind control program, set up as the patsy.
Dr. West was also the psychiatrist employed by the government to evaluate the “mental condition” of Jack Ruby after he shot Lee Harvey Oswald. You may not know that when Ruby was interrogated, he told the FBI that there was a huge conspiracy surrounding the JFK assassination, and he could only expose it if they moved him to a safe place – which they refused to do.
Naturally, the government, which was involved in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy through the Zionist Jewish controlled CIA and the Zionist Jewish controlled mafia, wanted Ruby to be declared mentally ill to debunk his talk of conspiracy. Dr. West was happy to comply with the diagnosis of mental illness for Jack Ruby.
3. Before Tim McVeigh’s scheduled execution, the state announced that none of his organs would be donated after his execution. This is very strange. A state OWNS the body of an executed prisoner, and can receive $200,000 or more for the body parts of a young healthy specimen like McVeigh.
4. Before his execution, the state announced that Tim McVeigh’s medical records would be sealed for 25 years. The question is, why?
5. Tim McVeigh’s lawyers petitioned a judge to rule that no autopsy would be done on his body after his execution – a highly unusual request.
6. The IV that was supposed to deliver the lethal injection dose to Tim McVeigh was placed, of all places, in his leg! I knew right then that they were NOT going to execute him. This was a fake execution, to pacify the families of the victims involved in the bombing disaster.
The public doesn’t understand what every surgeon and anesthesiologist knows very well. There is no large vein close enough to the skin surface in the leg to place a large enough needle or catheter to deliver the proper dose that would reach the vital organs fast enough to kill a person cleanly. It would be a mess.
IVs are placed in the arm, the hand, occasionally in the foot; but not in the foot for extensive or difficult procedures – and certainly not in the foot or leg for an execution. If an IV cannot be placed in one of these upper extremity locations because of previous injury with scarring, or some other reason, then a small incision is made in the area near the clavicle to gain access to a large vein going directly to the heart.
7. One of the witnesses at Tim McVeigh’s supposed execution was Susan Carlson, a reporter for WLS-AM Radio in Chicago. She stated on the air that McVeigh “appeared to be still breathing or what appeared to be shallow breathing, even after being pronounced dead, and his eyes remained open.” (Susan Carlson was a friend of Chandra Levy, according to the American Free Press, Nov. 6, 2010, p. 4.)
There were ten media people present, and no one contradicted Susan Carlson. But the mass media in Chicago, including apparently her own radio station, immediately suppressed her story.
In case ANYONE doesn’t know this, when a person is DEAD, he does NOT continue to breathe – even to breathe “shallowly.” When a person is DEAD, he doesn’t breathe AT ALL!
Why would the government go to such great lengths to DECEIVE the public with a FAKE execution?
First of all, Tim McVeigh is a valuable asset for the CIA, particularly if he is under mind control, an almost certainty because of his many visits from Dr. “Jolly” West. They’ve invested much time and money in his programming, and he performed well – he kept his mouth shut (unlike Lee Harvey Oswald who declared for the TV cameras when he was arrested, “I didn’t do it. I’ve been made a patsy!”). A little plastic surgery, a name change, and Tim McVeigh will be off on another CIA project.
And as I stated earlier, the government wanted closure to this event – the Oklahoma City Bombing, to get it off the front pages, to satisfy the families of the victims that the “guilty” one was now dead, and to attempt to put a stop to the investigation of the truth by many on the internet who have exposed the government’s involvement. The CIA, particularly, wanted to put this whole matter to rest – permanently.
But that will never happen until the full truth has been brought to light.
One other interesting twist to this story. The person who was involved in choosing the people who would observe Tim McVeigh’s execution was none other than Chandra Levy, the young intern in the Bureau of Prisons who had an ongoing affair with a married California congressman, Gary Condit.
But Chandra Levy would not live to see McVeigh’s execution. She was murdered before his execution took place.
Why would someone at the low level of an intern be involved in such an important mission as this? Well, it turns out that Chandra Levy was not so “low-level” after all. Apparently she was working with the Israeli Mossad and had computer access to a significant amount of rather high-level sensitive information in the Bureau of Prisons and other governmental areas.
Maybe she learned “too much” and had to be eliminated by the Mossad! Then, as in any “good” false flag operation, apparently they tried to set up Gary Condit as the “fall guy.”
Tim McVeigh’s first execution date was set for May 16, 2001 but was postponed until June 11, 2001. Chandra Levy disappeared from her home sometime between May 1 and May 9, 2001, a time when she had planned to go back to California to receive her graduate degree. But there is evidence that she turned up briefly in Israel during that time, right before she permanently “disappeared.”
On May 22, 2002, her skeletal remains were found in Washington’s Rock Creek Park where a year earlier, shortly after her disappearance, a massive police search had produced NO results.
Could her disappearance and murder have been a result of her inside knowledge about McVeigh’s coming fake execution? Or had she been caught snooping in unauthorized computer areas where she may have had access to inside information on the coming 9/11 World Trade Center false flag operation?
More on Chandra Levy
An article about Chandra Levy has appeared in the November 6, 2010 issue of the American Free Press (page 4), confirming that Chandra was a “honey pot,” the Israeli Mossad’s name for attractive female operatives.
“In an article entitled ‘What Really Happened to Chandra Levy,’ former Mossad agent James Besser commented on their insidious tactics. ‘Operation Dumb Eagle’ is the code name for the spy agency’s extensive efforts to infiltrate top levels of the U.S. government through the placement of American Jews in sensitive positions. Part of Operation Dumb Eagle is the recruitment, training and placement of attractive Jewish coeds as U.S. interns,” according to the American Free Press (AFP).
Miss Levy disappeared while jogging in Rock Creek Park in May 2001. Her skeletal remains were found one year later, not far from where she was running, even though an exhaustive search of that area had been done shortly after her disappearance.
“What makes circumstances even more peculiar, the FBI’s primary detective assigned to examine Miss Levy’s disappearance was Special Agent Bradley Garrett. Not only did Garrett assist in the widespread cover-up of White House Deputy Counsel Vince Foster’s so-called “suicide” at Washington’s Fort Marcy Park, he also spearheaded an inept investigation into the murder of Capitol Hill intern Mary Mahoney.
Linda Zamsky, aunt and confidant of Chandra Levy, has stated publicly that Chandra had ‘something big and important to tell her.’ She died before she could reveal that secret to Zamsky.
Chandra Levy, then an intern at the Federal Bureau of Prisons in Washington, D.C, checked off Timothy McVeigh’s visitors at Terre Haute federal prison. Recall, Chandra Ann Levy (b. April 14, 1977), above with Gary Condit, disappeared in May 2001. She was presumed murdered after her skeletal remains were found in Rock Creek Park in May 2002. Levy and U.S. Congressman Condit (D-CA) had been secretly romantically involved in a relationship. It became a Washington scandal, when Condit had been linked to her disappearance to possibly cover up the out-of-marriage affair.
However, it has been reported that Levy had noted some twelve or more visits by Dr. Louis Jolyon West, the UCLA mind control expert for the CIA’s MK-ULTRA mind control program. Dr. West had pronounced Jack Ruby insane after he suggested a conspiracy in the JFK assassination. Dr. West also was involved with Manchurian candidates Sirhan Sirhan and Patty Hearst while they awaited trial. There is some speculation that Tim McVeigh had been treated by Dr. West before he was arrested for the infamous Oklahoma City Federal Building bombing on April 19, 1995.
Was Timothy McVeigh Really Executed?
By Rixon Stewart on November 5, 2006
Rixon Stewart – 2002
No really, that’s a serious question. For throughout the whole OKC bombing saga, the mainstream media has ignored some serious inconsistencies.
For example: some of those killed in the Oklahoma City bombing were not killed in the blast itself, but died later in highly suspicious circumstances. One such was Mike Loudenslager, who was responsible for saving the lives of many children in the Murrah Building’s day care centre.
In the weeks prior to the actual bombing, Loudenslager, a GSA employee, had been complaining about the large amounts of ordnance and explosives being brought into the building by the BATF and DEA, who had offices there. Others had been complaining too, including the building’s security director who filed a formal complaint and promptly lost his job. Thereafter, fire marshals were denied access to the building when they arrived to inspect some remodelling that had been done to the day care centre.
Fearing the worst, Loudenslager and the day care operator began warning the children’s parents not to bring their children into the building. Had they not done so, the death toll probably would have been far higher.
Shortly after the actual bombing, Loudenslager was seen by many witnesses, including police officers and rescue workers, involved in a very heated confrontation. Much of his anger was due to the fact that he felt that the BATF and DEA were responsible for the extent of the blast damage.
However, to the astonishment of those who had seen him in the immediate aftermath of the bombing, it was later reported that Loudenslager was found at his desk, a victim of the 9:02 A.M. bombing. This was reported only AFTER he had been seen alive and well by numerous rescue workers. Despite this, he is now on the official list of victims claimed by the blast.
His death was to play a part in the demise of two others, Dr. Don Chumley and Terry Yeakey, both of whom were at the Murrah Building that fateful morning. They had something else in common too: at the time of their deaths, each had been trying to deliver evidence that Loudenslager was alive AFTER the bombing which is said to have killed him.
Terry Yeakey met his demise whilst delivering evidence to a multi-county task force that, he thought, would establish the truth about the Oklahoma City bombing; whilst Dr. Chumley was killed some months earlier, when his personal jet “crashed”, attempting to do the same. Meanwhile, the mainstream media has ignored compelling evidence contrary to the official line that McVeigh acted alone in delivering a truck carrying a fertilizer bomb to the Murrah Building, even though literally hundreds of people have attested otherwise.
One such is retired Air Force Brigadier General Benton K. Partin, former head of the U.S. Air Force Armament Technology Laboratory. His request that the bombsite be preserved for further investigation was completely ignored by the U.S. Government; instead, the site was covered over three weeks ahead of schedule, effectively burying the remaining forensic evidence.
Moreover, many eyewitnesses reported not one, but two explosions, and this is a certifiable fact. Investigations at the Oklahoma Geological Survey at the University of Oklahoma revealed seismographic records indicating two explosions, ten seconds apart. The first occurred at 9:02 and 13 seconds, with another following at 9:02 and 23 seconds. According to General Partin and many explosive experts that investigator Ted Gunderson has spoken to, this rules out the explanation of a truck bomb.
A more plausible explanation, they say, is a barometric bomb. This works via a process that involves not one but two explosions: the first uses an explosive known as PETN, which releases a lethal cloud of chemicals, ammonium nitrate and aluminium silicate. This cloud is energised with what is described as a “high potential electrostatic field”. A few seconds later, there follows another blast using an explosive called PDTN, that ignites the cloud created, with a much greater force than TNT.
This would account for the two blasts heard by witnesses, and it would also explain the extensive damage caused by the explosion. However, such a bomb would be beyond the scope of a supposed “lone nut” like Timothy McVeigh. In fact, knowledge of how to construct such a device is available to only a few, with the highest level of security clearance, because the barometric bomb is still highly classified. In other words, only those with a high level of security clearance in the U.S. Government and security services would have access to the know-how to construct such a device.
Not only did McVeigh not have such clearance, but he didn’t have the necessary know-how to make such a device himself. All of which suggests that McVeigh was not the bomber, but a patsy – a fall guy who was lined up to take the rap for the bombing. And his reward? A place in the history books, with a new life and a clean bill of health after his “execution”, maybe? Significantly, by court order there was no autopsy and no cremation of his body after execution; this despite the fact that both are standard practise for executed prisoners. Moreover, according to reporters covering the execution, McVeigh seemed remarkably calm. So there were no last minute nerves, no clinical autopsy, no cremation – and maybe no body too?
And in a final ironic twist, McVeigh’s death certificate – if authentic – lists him as a “soldier”, and his employer as the US Army. Yet he supposedly left the US Army back in 1993.
“Sgt. McVeigh was an outstanding soldier. He did what he was told, anticipated what had to be done (and) took pride in his work.” – Capt. Jesus Angel Rodriguez, McVeigh’s commanding officer during the Gulf War, testifying at his sentencing hearing
“His shallow breathing… or what appeared to be shallow breathing… continued even after they pronounced him dead.” – Susan Carlson reporting on McVeigh’s execution for WLS Chicago, broadcast minutes after the sentence was carried out
Postscript: The above was first posted on rumormillnews, a forum often used by dissident US government insiders. One anonymous respondent wrote that he had personally heard McVeigh being told that: “they wouldn’t let him die in there”.
Missing evidence from Oklahoma City
November 17, 2001 (The Indianapolis Star)
The FBI doesn’t want to talk about it, but the evidence keeps mounting.
Critical evidence that several Middle Eastern men may have been connected to the Oklahoma City bombing appears to have been kept from the public by the FBI.
By law, such information should have been turned over to lawyers representing executed bomber Timothy McVeigh, and it must be given to the legal team for co-conspirator Terry Nichols, whose state case opened in an Oklahoma court two weeks ago.
Officially, the FBI has dismissed the possibility of a John Doe No. 2, an olive-skinned man whose sketch they released immediately after the bombing, or other suspects. But current and former FBI agents in Oklahoma City say they received documents pointing to another person or even a cell of Middle Eastern operatives.
At a minimum, Congress should question one former FBI agent who says he obtained 22 affidavits and more than 30 witness statements describing sightings of Middle Easterners with McVeigh. Although he passed the materials on to a superior, the evidence never surfaced and was not given to McVeigh’s or Nichols’ defense teams.
The affidavits and witness statements described a close-knit group of Middle Eastern men living in Oklahoma City and surrounding areas who were seen with McVeigh on numerous occasions in the months and weeks leading up to the bombing.
Even worse, the agents believe if that evidence had not been suppressed by the FBI, it could have helped uncover plans leading to the Sept. 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon. Lawmakers should demand a full accounting of the missing documents given to the FBI.
Six days before McVeigh was scheduled to die at the federal prison in Terre Haute, Attorney General John Ashcroft postponed the execution because of revelations the FBI had failed to turn over more than 3,000 documents to McVeigh’s defense team.
Though none of the new evidence was able to persuade the trial judge to save McVeigh, it showed that the FBI had withheld important information about the April 19, 1995 bombing.
The former agent does not want his name used, but, if subpoenaed, is willing to testify about the documents either in court or on Capitol Hill.
In January 1999, the agent got the documents from former Oklahoma City KFOR-TV reporter Jayna Davis. Davis had done a six-year investigation beginning on the day of the bombing, documenting a cell of Middle Eastern individuals operating in Oklahoma City under suspicious circumstances.
“She started in 1997 trying to turn those documents over to the FBI and we refused to take those documents because we knew at the time that those documents would have to be turned over to the defense attorneys…,” said the former agent.
Two weeks ago, the Justice Department quashed motions to allow 18 FBI agents, including the agent who received the documents from Davis, to testify in Nichols’ state case. At least one of those agents believes that if the FBI had followed up on the affidavits that he turned over to his superiors, the Sept. 11 attacks could have been prevented.
“We don’t know what ever happened to those documents,” the former agent said. “We know they were never given to the defense attorneys. And that’s really what I was going to testify about, the fact that those documents were in FBI custody. And I don’t know to this day what happened to the documents. We did have some Oklahoma connections to the events in Washington, D.C. and New York City. We did find out that one of these individuals was trying to take flight training at a Norman (Okla.) flight instruction school.”
Other former and current FBI agents in the Oklahoma City field office have also questioned the agency’s handling of evidence. During an interview broadcast in May on 60 Minutes, they discussed the missing documents that surfaced right before McVeigh’s initial execution date. “There’s no reason for it unless there is negligence,” agent Jim Volz told the news magazine.
These people want the truth. The American people want the truth. Next week’s column will ask members of Congress if they do, too.
The Oklahoma City Bombing: A Morass of Unanswered Questions
by Steven Yates
May 19, 2001 (LewRockwell.com)
It is official: for whatever reason, thousands of FBI documents related to the Oklahoma City bombing did not make it into the hands of Timothy McVeigh’s defense team. Some are calling for a full investigation into the FBI’s handling of what was their most important and visible criminal investigation of the last decade. As of this writing, McVeigh himself is toying with the idea of fighting his execution by the federal government, postponed by Attorney General John Ashcroft until June 11.
The question comes up: are the missing FBI documents the product of a foul-up of monumental proportions even for a government agency – or the result of deliberate concealment? A lot of conspiracy theories have circulated around the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on April 19, 1995, not all of them consistent with one another, some of them plausible, none of them proven. Although I have no specific theories of my own, I’ve had the suspicion from the start that someone in the federal government had advance knowledge that something nasty was going to happen in Oklahoma City that day. As to the details, I am as much in the dark as anyone who wasn’t there. Compounding the matter is the fact that – so far, anyway – McVeigh himself isn’t talking. He seems to have dismissed all conspiracy theories and reports of “John Doe No. 2’s” with the remark in a recent interview that, “You can’t handle the truth. And the truth is that it is pretty scary that one guy can do this all alone.”
Perhaps McVeigh temporarily forgot about his official partner Terry Nichols. But is he covering for others who have never been identified, at least not publicly? Several of the FBI documents apparently refer to a mysterious figure named Robert Jacques (sometimes the name appears as Jacks). There are allegations of connections with a white supremacist compound named Elohim City, near the Oklahoma–Arkansas border. I am rather dubious that this is significant, because Terry Nichols was twice married, once to a Mexican woman and the other time to a woman from the Philippines. This doesn’t sound like white supremacist behavior to me. Other allegations connect the Oklahoma City bombing with Osama bin Laden, the Middle Eastern terrorist. Multiple allegations insist that McVeigh was sighted the morning of the bombing, and was never by himself. The FBI allegedly has 22 or more surveillance tapes from cameras mounted on the front of the Murrah Federal Building that survived the blast and would have shown the front of the Ryder truck itself, including the driver’s and rider’s seats – presumably revealing whether McVeigh was alone or in the company of others up to the final seconds before the blast. The FBI has refused to release these tapes, although an independent investigator named David Hoffman has sued to obtain them under the Freedom of Information Act.
Does McVeigh even know all the players? It is clear, first of all, that McVeigh held the federal government responsible for the holocaust at Waco. His own anger was enormous. Could it have been used by others, some of them having infiltrated his circle of associates to learn of his plans, who then acted without his knowledge? These questions are rhetorical, obviously. We just don’t know – at least, not yet. At least one item that was circulated my way on the Internet suggests that McVeigh cut a secret deal with the feds some time ago. In exchange for his continued silence, the federal government would spare his life at the last minute. I don’t find this idea all that plausible, either. I have a hard time seeing McVeigh, a soldier who faced death in the Gulf War, cutting deals with a government he despises to save his life here. Clearly, whatever one thinks of him, there are things of more value to him than his own life. Perhaps he sees himself as either a martyr or a prisoner of what he perceives to be the cold war going on between patriots and an out-of-control federal government. (Of course, the explanation for McVeigh’s silence could be more prosaic, relatively speaking: a desire to protect his family from possible retaliation.)
John Ashcroft has pledged not to delay McVeigh’s execution again. But if by some chance it should become clear that others – perhaps agents of the federal government itself – were involved in the worst bombing ever to occur on American soil, a bombing that killed 168 people including 19 children and injured hundreds more, heads will roll. The execution of Timothy McVeigh could well be postponed indefinitely as his lawyers demand a new trial. This, of course, is yet another “if,” and we may seem to be piling still more rhetorical questions on top of speculations here. But there are an awful lot of unanswered questions floating around. I tend to think many people dismiss “conspiracy theories” as a kind of reflex, because they have been trained to do so. Some readers may have seen the Internet tract entitled Thirty Oklahoma City Bombing Questions That Demand an Answer NOW! This tract raises questions no one has yet addressed, and about which there has been dead silence. Here is a sampling of unanswered questions that suggest that the federal government had advance knowledge that the Oklahoma City bombing was coming, and that it could not have happened the way the official accounts say it did.
1. A number of federal employees were killed in the explosion, but no BATF employees. There were, as everyone knows, BATF offices in the Murrah Federal Building. But very shortly after the bombing, we learned that no BATF personnel were even injured – because none were in the building. Why were all BATF personnel away from their desks on a regular weekday morning? Did someone tip them off in advance? This, obviously, would have required advance knowledge of what would take place that morning. (One story of BATF “heroism,” that of a resident agent Alex McCauley who supposedly fell three floors in an elevator and then helped rescue others, turned out to be a hoax; there is such a person, but like the rest of the BATF personnel, he was nowhere near the building when it exploded.)
2. At least one independent report cites “over 70 witnesses” who claimed to have seen Timothy McVeigh on the morning of the explosion in the company of others who were never identified. This includes those who rented McVeigh the Ryder truck in Junction City, Kansas. The manhunts for “John Doe No. 2” were finally discontinued. Some of the composite sketches of other “John Does” seemed to be of people of Middle Eastern origin. Who were these people seen by dozens of witnesses, and why did none of these witnesses testify at McVeigh’s trial? Was there a behind-the-scenes campaign to block the airing of “conspiracy theories”?
3. U.S. Judge Wayne Alley, whose office was located in the Federal Building, reported the next day of having been warned in a Justice Department memo about an unspecified “terrorist act” to be directed against the Federal building. Who issued this memo, and what happened to it? Judge Alley’s statement was published in the Portland Oregonian. Since then, he has refused to repeat the allegation and refused all requests for interviews. Why? Along very similar lines, the Oklahoma City Fire Department was allegedly warned by the FBI the weekend before the bombing to be on alert for something that would take place over the next few days.
4. “Norma” (not her real name), a witness who worked down the street from the Federal Building, reported seeing what appeared to be bomb squad personnel in the area at 7:45 a.m. – over an hour prior to the explosion. Were these really bomb squad personnel, and if so, what were they doing there if no one had advance knowledge that the Oklahoma City bombing would take place? Other witnesses claimed to have seen bomb squad personnel around that morning, and still others claimed to have seen suspicious activity in the Federal Building itself the day before – which fits with the idea that someone had planted explosive devices inside the federal building. It might be worth noting that, according to Thirty Oklahoma City Bombing Questions, “Norma” was one of several such witnesses who have since quit their jobs and relocated, also refusing to talk about the incident any further. Were these people threatened?
5. Geophysicist Charles Mankin, Director of the University of Oklahoma’s Geological Survey in Norman, just southeast of Oklahoma City, contended that, according to two different seismographic records in the Oklahoma City area, there were two distinct explosions, the second coming approximately eight seconds after the first. Along these same lines, several witnesses reported two distinct events, describing how the first event enabled them to dive for cover before the Ryder truck exploded, possibly saving their lives. Within 24 hours, such reports would also vanish from the official accounts. Why? Again, no one alleging a two-explosions account of the Oklahoma City bombing was called to testify.
6. It seems clear that Timothy McVeigh wanted to be caught. According to one account, he actually stopped and asked directions to the Murrah Building, placing himself on the scene. Within 48 hours after the explosion, he was stopped by police while speeding toward the state line at almost 100 miles an hour in a car with no license plate. Why has he done so little to defend himself this whole time, knowing full well that silence and inaction could cost him his life? (We may well have answered this above.)
7. Very damning to the government’s conclusions was the revelation that McVeigh used an ANFO (ammonium nitrate and fuel oil) bomb. According to Military Explosives, a Department of the Army and Air Force Technical Manual No. 9-1910, an ANFO requires a 99% or greater purity of ammonium nitrate, as well as a specific dryness, before it can be mixed with the fuel. FBI testimony held that McVeigh used 50 bags of ammonium nitrate fertilizer, which comes in much weaker concentrations than the 99% purity necessary for explosives. From this, one can infer that even under ideal conditions, McVeigh’s concoction could not have created a blast capable of destroying the Murrah Building’s concrete structure, nor would it leave a crater the size of the one at the Murrah Building. In other words, the government’s own source materials lead to the conclusion that the Oklahoma City bombing could not have happened in the way the FBI says; it is physically and chemically impossible. Are the details here correct? No one in the government has to my knowledge come forward with a refutation of this account.
8. Still more damning is the testimony of Retired Air Force Brigadier General Benton K. Partin, former Commander of the Air Force Armament Technology Laboratory, a demolitions expert with 25 years’ experience in the design and development of explosives and bombs. He stated, “When I first saw the picture of the truck bomb’s asymmetrical damage to the Federal building…, my immediate reaction was that the pattern of damage would have been technically impossible without supplementary demolition charges at some of the reinforced concrete bases inside the building, a standard demolition technique.” Partin went on: “Reinforced concrete targets in large buildings are hard targets to blast. I know of no way possible to reproduce the apparent building damage through simply a truck bomb effort.” In other words, again, the truck bomb alone couldn’t have done it. Interestingly, General Partin’s lengthy statement earned him a smear, a false accusation associating him with the John Birch Society, when his report was picked up and reprinted by the John Birch Society publication The New American – something not of his doing. General Partin had to threaten lawsuits to end the smear campaign. His detailed evaluation was entered into the Congressional Record, but has been completely ignored by federal investigators and by the news media. Why?
9. Also demonized as “cranks” and “right wing extremists” were other explosives experts and professional demolition contractors (such as former FBI agent Ted Gunderson) who reviewed the circumstances surrounding the destruction of the Murrah Building and concluded that it was a professional job, with top-grade explosives and devices planted inside the building. No one I know of has come forward to refute the substance of these allegations.
10. The reaction to the bombing by both the Clinton Regime and the Republican-controlled Congress was swift. The former immediately blamed “right wing” talk show hosts and militias – despite no evidence connecting Timothy McVeigh or Terry Nichols with either. We saw long articles in leading newspapers like The New York Times dragging “angry white males” (critics of affirmative action) into this thing. A number of “domestic terrorism” bills were introduced in Congress in a matter of days, covering such topics as the banning of firearms, to authorizing Federal wiretaps on private citizens and monitoring their activity on the Internet. The million dollar question: was this a pre-arranged and carefully organized response to a tragedy deliberately planned at the highest centers of power to discredit the militia movement and other critics of the federal government’s progressive abandonment of Constitutional government? Was it part of the ongoing campaign to disarm U.S. citizens through so-called gun control laws? Did the federal government sacrifice some of its own employees (and their children) and ruin the lives of many other people just to discredit its critics? The militias were among the first to denounce the bombing. Their leaders took no credit for it, wanted nothing to do with it. They reiterated that their posture was defensive. But since 1995, the number of citizens’ militias has dropped from over 500 to under 200, suggesting that if this was the motive, it worked.
There are additional allegations of curious events taking place when rescue workers first appeared on the scene following the blast. Some of these allegations involve sightings by rescue personnel of unexploded devices being removed from the debris. Others involve a severed leg that was never matched to any of the known victims. It is difficult to verify these accounts completely. The federal government sequestered the area immediately; no one who did not have official approval was allowed in. Eventually, of course, what was left of the building was bulldozed to the ground, its secrets (if there be any) buried.
One of the first rescue workers on the scene, an Oklahoma City police officer named Terrance Yeakey, had expressed deep concern about some of the things he saw to family members. One day not long after, he turned up dead. His death was ruled a suicide. Shades of Vince Foster: a very unusual “suicide” it was. The man apparently cut his wrists, made another cut on his elbow and then cut both sides of his neck around the jugular vein. Having already lost a great deal of blood, he was able to walk out into a fenced-off area at the outskirts of the city where he shot himself. His service revolver was not the weapon used. No autopsy was done, despite it being standard procedure to do an autopsy when a police officer dies under unusual circumstances. The obvious question: was Officer Yeakey about to reveal information about the Oklahoma City bombing? Members of his family think so, but of course no one can prove it. Officer Yeakey’s briefcase had disappeared. It turned up later, but had been in the hands of the police who did not want to release it to his family. There was plenty of time and opportunity for someone so inclined to have removed incriminating documents or photographs. It should be added that Officer Yeakey had the respect of his fellow police officers and those in the communities he served. He was not a nut.
While the federal government has more and more relied on brute force to accomplish its goals, domestic as well as foreign, it is still hard for most ordinary people to believe that even the Clinton Regime or Janet Reno’s Justice Department could be involved in something as evil as this. I cannot blame people for being skeptical. These were the federal government’s own employees – and their innocent children – not to mention the countless other people working there or who just happened to be in the building or in the vicinity when the bomb(s) went off. Many skeptics will dismiss this as paranoia gone out of control. A flip response is that a little paranoia never hurt anybody, and that just because you’re paranoid doesn’t mean someone is not out to get you. Seriously, I would prefer that the skeptics be right, but I am not convinced they are.
The problem is that the official account of what happened in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995 has more holes than Swiss cheese. Every independent investigation I am aware of has concluded that others besides Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols were involved, though they diverge on the details. Some pick up on obscure remarks in McVeigh’s recent letter to Fox News as pointing to a connection between the bombing and the leading terrorist Osama bin Laden, suggesting that Terry Nichols met with bin Laden’s agents in the Philippines two months earlier to help plan the bombing. Jayna Davis, an NBC reporter in Oklahoma City, claimed to have turned up evidence that McVeigh was involved with Iraqi immigrants. There was a group of around 5,000 Iraqi soldiers who had deserted Saddam Hussein’s army and were able to win asylum in the United States following the Gulf War. One such group was settled in Oklahoma City. It was this group that had become the target of Miss Davis’ investigation. She was sued by one of its members. The federal lawsuit went on for two years. Jayna Davis finally won. Neither the lawsuit itself nor the outcome was ever reported in any national media.
McVeigh’s silence is admittedly the most troublesome aspect of all the theories we have. There is no way to get inside his head and divine his motives. But we have already seen that there are reasons why he would be silent. His claiming sole credit for the Oklahoma City bombing doesn’t make it so. Exactly what is the truth here? Did the BATF have advance knowledge of the Oklahoma City bombing? Had they perhaps infiltrated a local terrorist cell and simply allowed the terrorists and McVeigh to do their dirty work for them, knowing that the Clinton Regime and the media were ready to blame it on militias and “right wing extremists”? Again, I would insist: we don’t really know. But the best thing the FBI could do at this point is come clean about what we haven’t been told about the Oklahoma City bombing, and to do so now – because obviously the official story doesn’t add up. If by some chance there is a connection to terrorist movements originating with immigrants or even overseas, members of the public have a right to know about it! It could significantly impact the public’s willingness to tolerate continued open immigration. As an alternative, the least the FBI and the media can do is consider allegations such as those above and show in detail that they are erroneous – or at least discuss the issues they raise. Anything is better than the official silence that has been in place now for six years running.