Marine Links Sister Marcy’s Same-Sex Snuff-Film Trusties to Clinton Tainted Blood

United States Marine Field McConnell has linked his sister Kristine Marcy’s use of a prison medical program administered by same-sex trusties, to a tainted-blood racket run by the Clinton’s out of Arkansas to export infected prisoners’ blood and cull (?) targeted populations in Africa.

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Abel Danger Mischief Makers – Mistress of the Revels – ‘Man-In-The-Middle’ Attacks

Marine Links Kristine ‘Serco’ Marcy’s Prisons to KSM Snuff Film Scripts

“Movie Trailer for Factor 8:The Arkansas Prison Blood Scandal”

“The Cost of Trusties Working at the Governor’s Mansion” 

“Contaminated Blood Scandal – Demonstration 30th June 2010 – Join us!”

“Clinton & the killer blood
Articles from the Progressive Review 

MARCH 2006 

… Other Arkansas plasma was sent to Switzerland, Spain, Japan, and Italy. In a case with strong echoes of the Arkansas scandal, a former premier of France and two of his cabinet colleagues are currently on trial stemming from the wrongful handling of blood supplies. Some of the blood in the French controversy may have come from Arkansas. 

A 1992 Newsday report on the French scandal noted that three persons had been convicted for their role in distributing blood they knew was contaminated: “Throughout the 1980s and later, blood was taken from prison donors for use in blood banks despite a series of directives warning against such a practice. According to the report, donations from prisoners accounted for 25 percent of all the contaminated blood products in France. Blood from prisons was 69 times more contaminated that that of the general population of donors.” 

The Arkansas blood program was also grossly mishandled by the Food and Drug Administration. And the scandal provides yet another insight into how the American media misled the public about Clinton during the 1992 campaign. The media ignored a major Clinton scandal despite, for example, 80 articles about it in the Arkansas Democrat in just one four-month period of the mid-80s. 

Here’s how Canada’s Krever Commissioner report describes the beginnings of the problem: 

“During 1981-2, the number of AIDS cases in the United States reported to the Centers for Disease Control in Atlanta grew at an alarming rate. The vast majority of the reported cases were of homosexual men and intravenous drug abusers. During 1982, cases of AIDS transmitted through the use of blood and blood products began to be reported. The U.S. blood and plasma centers regularly collected from two groups of persons who were at high risk of contracting AIDS: homosexual men and prison inmates. Plasma was collected at centers, licensed by the Food and Drug Administration, in prisons in Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, and Mississippi. By way of contrast, because of the high prevalence of hepatitis B in prisons, the Canadian Red Cross Society had stopped collecting donations from prison inmates in 1971.” 

Suzi Parker, writing in the Arkansas Times, described the scene: “At the Cummins Unit of the Arkansas penal system during the 1980s, while President Clinton was still governor, inmates would regularly cross the prison hospital’s threshold to give blood, lured by the prospect of receiving $7 a pint. The ritual was creepy to behold: Platoons of prisoners lying supine on rows of cots, waiting for the needle-wielding prisoner orderly to puncture a vein and watch the clear bags fill with blood. Administrators than sold the blood to brokers, who in turned shipped it to other sates and to Japan, Italy, Spain and Canada. Despite repeated warnings from the Food and Drug Administration, Arkansas kept its prison plasma program running [for Kristine Marcy, the then founder of DOJ Pride and an alleged same sex snuff film service in the FBI, BOP and USMS] until 1994 when it became the very last state to cease selling its prisoners’ plasma.” 

“OCTOBER 2005 


DAILY RECORD, SCOTLAND – Former US President Bill Clinton may be forced to appear in court over a medical scandal which claimed the lives of innocent Scots. Many hemophiliacs were infected with hepatitis C after tainted blood from American prisoners was imported into the UK. Glasgow firm Thomsons are representing the families of Scots sufferers who died after contracting the disease. They allege inmates in an Arkansas jail were paid to donate blood despite the authorities knowing they had AIDS and hepatitis. 

They are threatening to call the ex-president, who was state governor at the time, to the witness stand. The infected blood was used to make clotting agents for hemophiliacs who require regular blood transfusions Frank Maguire, of Thomsons, said “These allegations are extremely serious and I am now more sure than ever that there should be a full public inquiry into why so many Scots contracted hepatitis C from infected blood products.–name_page.html” 

“[Evidence Marcy set up a same-sex snuff film programs for DOJ Pride trusties in the ’90a to run contemporaneously with her prison-based medical program to extract infected blood for export and the culling of ‘useless breeders’] Private Prisons Firm Stirs Concerns
by Caitlin Rother 

August 31, 1998 – San Diego Union Tribune – 

The world’s largest private prison operator, which has come under fire for the way it runs some of its facilities, has chosen San Diego County to be part of its burgeoning California empire. Corrections Corp. of America took over the 200-bed former San Diego city jail on Otay Mesa in late May and will likely accept its first prisoners, federal immigration detainees, within a couple of weeks. The company also broke ground in June on a 1,000-bed medium-security jail next door — without a contract for prisoners to fill it — and is bidding to house prisoners at the now-vacant 900-bed county jail in downtown San Diego. 

CCA has had success in filling the 79 prisons it operates in the United States, Australia, Puerto Rico and the United Kingdom. But it has come under scrutiny lately, most notably for the way it runs the facility it built in Youngstown, Ohio. 

The 1,700-bed prison there has seen at least 13 stabbings, two homicides and the escape of six inmates — five of them murderers -since it opened 14 months ago. That compares with 12 assaults and no homicides for Ohio’s entire public prison system of 49,000 inmates in 1997. After the escapes, Ohio Gov. George Voinovich immediately wanted to close the prison. He backed off only after the state attorney general warned that would involve a long, hard and perhaps unsuccessful court battle. The governor then asked U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno to review the controversy, which has become a focal point for the public vs. private prison debate going on across the country. 

Private prison operators such as CCA started emerging to help fill the needs of government agencies nationwide about 15 years ago, but the debate on whether they can operate more efficiently and more cheaply than public prisons continues. Opponents say private operators are a bad alternative and do not have the ability to safely house dangerous felons. The debate is growing more heated as many state prison systems, including California’s, are running out of space and have no money set aside to build facilities. Federal agencies also are turning to private contractors because they do not have the time or money to build their own prisons. 

When CCA entered into an agreement with San Diego County to take over the 200-bed jail on Otay Mesa from Wackenhut Corrections Corp. and to build the 1,000-bed jail next door, CCA had no contracts to fill these beds. The company also is building a 2,304-bed prison in California City in Kern County and plans to start building a 1,024-bed prison in Mendota outside Fresno by the end of the year, again with no contracts in hand. This is the typical mode of operation for CCA, whose executives often cite the motto “Build it and they will come.” “Clearly the need for INS and U.S. Marshals Service beds is pretty prevalent up and down the state,” said David Myers, president of CCA’s West Coast operation. He said state prisons are reaching capacity as well. Kristine Marcy, a federal immigration official in Washington, D.C., agreed. “I wouldn’t worry about finding people to fill those beds, not at all,” she said. Marcy said there are “loads and loads” of federal prisoners in lock-ups throughout the Western region, waiting for trials, sentences or deportation [or to be recruited into same-sex teams of trusties to administer her prison medical program, expand the snuff film trade or export Clinton tainted blood]. Immigration detainees range from low-to high-security levels and prisons must be able to accommodate them, she said. In addition to the pending contract with CCA for the 200-bed, medium-security jail, the federal government also has announced a need for 800 to 1,000 beds in Southern California for INS and U.S. Marshals Service prisoners. Any private prison operator may submit a bid, Marcy said. In Youngstown, a city of 90,000 people, CCA’s proposal to build a 1,700-inmate prison was attractive because it would bring 300 construction and 500 prison jobs to town. 

This all happened before George McKelvey became mayor. And if he could reshape history, he said, things would be different. “I sure as hell wouldn’t build a private prison in my town, I’ll tell you that,” he said. “It . . . doesn’t take a rocket scientist to figure that out.” The city joined inmates in a lawsuit against CCA, and as a result the court has ordered the company to move out more than 200 misclassified prisoners who were too dangerous to be placed in a medium-security prison. Youngstown officials also contend CCA did not promptly report the July escapes [furloughs for contract hits] to local police, even as guards were searching fields around the prison. In a telephone interview last week, Myers of CCA said the prison was sent misclassified prisoners by officials [Marcy] in Washington, D.C. “I’m not blaming anyone, really,” he said, adding that there is an 18-to 24-month “shakedown” period that a start-up prison needs to get the kinks out. Myers denied reports that local police were not notified in a timely manner. “It was a situation where a lot of inmates were sent into an institution all at one time,” he said. “They have differences that they sometimes develop while they’re in the institution. . . . Corrections officials in public prisons or private prisons don’t always know about that, and then things happen.” Myers, who said he was a warden in four Texas prisons for 15 years before joining the private sector, contended that the Youngstown facility’s problems are no different from those found in public prisons. 

“There is no escape-proof prison,” he said. When Wackenhut ran the Otay Mesa jail, it housed 200 city prisoners, who have since been moved to the new county jail in downtown San Diego. Officials say the old county jail will have to be refurbished before prisoners are placed there again. CCA took over the Otay Mesa jail after winning the latest round of bidding. The company hired the 74 former Wackenhut employees and put them to work rehearsing how to run the jail as if it were full of inmates. Marcy of INS said the contract between her agency and CCA to send federal prisoners to the 200-bed jail will likely be signed within two weeks. After hearing about CCA’s plans in San Diego County, Youngstown’s McKelvey had some advice for officials here: “Beware. . . . If your local officials don’t do their homework on who is coming into that facility, you’re going to face the same challenges we faced,” he said. Rich Robinson, the deputy chief administrative officer for San Diego County in charge of the downtown jail project, said he had heard reports about the Youngstown controversy. But he said there are two sides to every story. 

“There would be reason for concern in the event that there are high-risk prisoners in that facility,” Robinson said. “We’d want to have some say.” “They’re (CCA) obviously going to have some questions to answer before we’d enter into any agreement,” he said. Marcy said that although she and other INS officials are concerned about the Youngstown situation, she has had good experiences with CCA facilities in Kansas, Tennessee and Arizona. 

INS officials will draft their contracts carefully, she said, and then closely monitor any facility managed by a private operator, whether it’s CCA or another company. “The Department of Justice wants to always be careful when it privatizes,” she said. “We don’t just walk away and stop paying attention.” Ohio is not the only place CCA has run into trouble. CCA has also been criticized for problems with escapes and misclassified inmates at its facility in Houston. In 1996, two convicted sex offenders escaped from that prison, which was intended to hold federal immigration detainees, the same type of inmates headed for the Otay Mesa jail. Texas officials didn’t know that the prison held more than 200 sex offenders from Oregon. Allan Polunsky, the head of the Texas Board of Criminal Justice, said the problem was that no agency had oversight over the facility. “CCA slipped 200 dangerous criminals into a facility that had been designed as a minimum-security facility at best,” Polunsky said. “Most people in the criminal justice system were unaware of its existence until the escapes took place.” 

To safeguard such similar problems, Polunsky suggested that contracts with CCA be “very detailed and tight and specific to the scope of the mission of the facility.” Myers of CCA dismissed Polunsky’s comments, saying he is a citizen, not a corrections expert. Besides, he said, “Allan Polunsky is against private prisons.”

More to follow.


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