#1861: Marine Links Serco PF Beslan to MI-3 Mycroft Common Purpose, Pedophile Angel Tree

Plum City – (AbelDanger.net). United States Marine Field McConnell has linked Serco’s alleged infiltration of Prison Fellowship (PF) agents into over a 1,000 Russian jails prior to the September 2004 murder of 186 un-autopsied children in a school in Beslan, North Ossetia, to a Mycroft Common Purpose agenda – apparently sponsored by the MI-3 Innholders Livery Company and executed through Serco’s Pedophile Angel Tree triage network.

McConnell recognizes a Mycroft Warrant as a writ issued by a competent but blackmailed or extorted officer, usually a judge or magistrate, who permits an otherwise illegal act (such as the spoliation of evidence at crime scene investigations, or, the withholding of autopsy reports to conceal pedophile murder-for-hire, or, the deployment of blackmailers in pre-positioned triage teams) and affords the person executing the writ protection from damages if the act is performed.

MI-3 = Kristine Marcy (sister) + Norman Inkster + Interpol + Intrepid (William Stephenson)
McConnell claims Serco root companies extorted Mycroft warrants from the Prince of Wales (later Edward VII) and used a GMT-based telegraph call center in London’s Langham Hotel to blackmail pedophile Innholder guests in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States.

McConnell notes that whilst Serco’s pedophile blackmailers have controlled prison/hotel-based crime scene for centuries, the mid ‘90’s integration of MI-3 Mycroft warrants, Serco call centers and the PF Pedophile Angel Tree required the criminal collaboration of his sister Kristine “Con Air” Marcy and Cressida “Common Purpose” Dick where an early victim was JonBenet Ramsey.

McConnell claims that in the 2004 attack on the Beslan School, Serco director Maureen Baginski used Serco tags, cesium clock and call-center chairs to coordinate the MI-3 Mycroft Angel Tree triage team and ensure expert witnesses were too dead or intimidated to expose the perpetrators.
McConnell invites key word Googlers to read excerpts below and ask why “The List of Sherlock Innholders – The Wrist That Didn’t Bleed” book has a new title at https://abeldanger.blogspot.com/

“Time to choose a side Dr. Watson”

Prequel 1:
#1860: Marine Links Mycroft MI-3 Angel Tree Arsenal to Navigator Serco Clock, Madam Lanza Glock

G4S and Serco No Longer In Charge Of Tracking Contracts

Дети Беслана / Children Of Beslan (BBC) [Note BBC Mycroft propagandists controlled by late pedophile blackmailer Jimmy Savile]

Strange meeting – Sherlock – BBC

Pedophile Elite via British Intelligence & FBI Serco’s Maureen Baginski

Brian Gerrish (Common Purpose) takes on Social workers & Adoption Agencies

Brian Gerrish at Bilderberg 2013; “Exposing Common Purpose”

The Beslan school hostage crisis (also referred to as the Beslan school siege or Beslan massacre)[2][3][4] started the first of September 2004, lasted three days and involved the capture of over 1,100 people as hostages (including 777 children),[5] ending with the death of over 380 people. The crisis began when a group of armed Islamic separatist militants, mostly Ingush and Chechen, occupied School Number One (SNO) in the town of BeslanNorth Ossetia (an autonomous republic in the North Caucasus region of the Russian Federation) on 1 September 2004. The hostage-takers were the Riyadus-Salikhin Battalion, sent by the Chechen separatist warlord Shamil Basayev, who demanded recognition of the independence of Chechnya at the UN and Russian withdrawal from Chechnya. On the third day of the standoff, Russian security forces entered the building with the use of tanksincendiary rockets and other heavy weapons.[6]At least 334 hostages were killed as a result of the crisis, including 186 children,[7][8] with a significant number of people injured and reported missing.”

Another Original LR Translation: Beslan and the KGB
A note from the translator: The following article which I have translated from Novaya Gazeta raises a number of very pertinent questions about what exactly was going on at the Beslan tragedy. If true, and I can see no reason to doubt that it is, the Beslan tragedy may be more a crime of state terrorism than Islamic terrorism. The information, collected by Ella Kesayeva, co-chairman of the All-Russian Voice of Beslan Public Organisation, certainly raises some very nasty doubts and suspicions that this is yet another criminally botched Russian secret police operation along the lines of the Moscow flat bombings, the Nord-Ost theatre debacle, the Litvinenko murder, and so on. In my translation below, I have mostly rendered the interminable and semi-mystical acronyms for the various police, state security, and other legal institutions by their Latin letters. Russian bureaucracy, in law-enforcement too, is labyrinthine. I think that for the most part it is sufficient to remember that any acronym with VD in it means “cops” of one sort or another from the Ministry of the Interior and any acronym with FSB somewhere in it means “KGB goon of one sort or another” from the Federal Security Service. The precise body can be ascertained by those who wish to do so by reconverting the Latin letters into Cyrillic.

Terrorists or Agents?
Strange facts about the Beslan Tragedy
by Ella Kesayeva
Translated from the Russian by Dave Essel

The investigation into the Beslan tragedy is now into its fifth year but no clear answer has yet been provided to one of the main questions: precisely how many terrorists were there at Beslan and who were they? According to the investigators’ version, the terrorist group was composed of 33 people. The identities of most of them were established from their fingerprints. This means that all these terrorists must, at one time or another, have been registered by the North Caucasus regional UBOP and UFSB [anti-organised crime police and KGB, in our parlance], been on the wanted list, been detained or arrested, or in some cases condemned.
In 1999, Isa Torshkhoyev (pictured, left) was put on the wanted list on suspicion of having committed crimes under Articles 162 Part 3 (affray) and 222 Part 1 (illegal acquisition and keeping of weapons) of the RF Criminal Code. Isa Torshkhoyev was arrested by the Tersky (Kabardino-Balkaria) ROVD SO [criminal investigation branch]. He was, however, only given a 2-year suspended sentence for the Article 222 offence. During the Beslan investigation it was established that “I.D. Torshoyev was groundlessly neither charged nor sentenced for offences under Article 162 Part 3 of the RF Criminal Code whilst his accomplices all received 8 years imprisonment with confiscation of property for the same.” During the search of Torshkhoyev’s house, the following were found: “a rifle with optical sights and rounds for the same; a pistol and silencer with serial number removed and rounds for the same; F-1 grenades – 3 pcs; gas-discharge Makarov-type pistol converted for firing. All removed items were ready for use.” Torshoyev, however, claimed in court that the weapons “had been planted on him by someone”. The court found his evidence credible and also took into account that Torshkhoyev was “only 19 years old and had a head injury”. The court did not send the weapons for ballistic tests to see whether they had been used in any killings.

The case papers on the Beslan terrorist outrage have data sheets on each identified terrorist. The “Criminal Record” column of these sheets has the entry “No criminal record pursuant to Article 24 Para 1 Part 1 RF Criminal Code” for each and every Beslan terrorist.

This means that criminal proceedings against these people were either deliberately not raised or stopped. All for the same reason: “absence of criminal activity”. In this way, criminals who should really have been in pre-trial detention or doing time were able without let or hindrance in August 2004 to put together an armed band and carry out the attack on the Beslan school. [See note 3].

How can this have been possible? The only explanation I can suggest is that the so-called Beslan terrorists were agents of our own special forces – UBOP and FSB. That is the only conclusion one can draw from what is known of their lives as detailed above.

Who knows the Answers?

In fact, all and any questions should be addressed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs General Mikhail Panov and former FSB Deputy Director General Anisimov. Both these people played active parts in the anti-terrorist operation in Beslan as highly placed “consultants”. Both were responsible for organising agent networks in the Caucasus. Neither, despite the insistent demands of the complainants in the Beslan terrorist case, has been called to testify in court.
Note 1. They did hold fingerprint data. See next section: Terrorist Kmurzoyev
Note 2. This information is to be found in the criminal case documents.
Note 3. The usual practise in North Caucasus law enforcement if for anyone falling into the hands of investigaotrs even merely on suspicion of terrorirst activity to be given very long sentences. Such people do not stand the lightest chance of being set free, however innocent they are. This absolute principle seems not have been working in the case of the Beslan terrorists.”

Beslan massacre trial looking at Kremlin role
By C.J. Chivers
Published: Tuesday, April 25, 2006
BESLAN, Russia — Each week, three former police supervisors sit at a defendants’ table in a federal court here, facing charges that they are responsible for the deaths of nearly 200 children in this town.

The officers, top supervisors in the Beslan District police station, are accused of criminal negligence in failing to take adequate steps to protect School No.1, which was seized by members of a Chechen terrorist group in the autumn of 2004.

Few in Beslan seem to question whether these officers – the former chief of police, his chief of staff and the head of a section responsible for public order – shoulder part of the blame.

The terrorists passed freely through territory under their command and the police are alleged to have made no concerted effort to stop the siege once the masked gunmen arrived at the school. For many in grief-stricken Beslan, these are lapses deserving the seven-year jail sentences the officers risk.

“Their main guilt is that they did not take responsibility at the moment of the seizure, when people ran to them and said the school is being attacked,” said Ella Kesayeva, a leader of the Voice of Beslan, a group of survivors and people who lost relatives in the siege.

But the cases, which began in March, have quickly assumed a different shape than the prosecutors might have planned. Survivors, the bereaved and the accused alike, are trying to make the hearings a trial not of three local police officers, but of a wide range of officials responsible for public safety in Russia, including President Vladimir Putin.

Instead of focusing solely on the actions of the officers at the defense table, the hearings have become a new forum for a rare sustained public challenge to the Kremlin, pitting local people and officials in North Ossetia, one of the Russian republics, squarely against Putin and the federal government.

The three defendants have assumed a curious public persona: Yes, the survivors say, the officers are guilty, but they are scapegoats as well.

“The guilt of our leadership is incomparably higher than the guilt of the local police,” Sergei Oziyev said after testifying against the police officers.

Oziyev’s wife and one of his two sons were killed in the siege, which began on Sept. 1, 2004, when terrorists herded an outdoor student assembly into the school’s gym and promptly rigged the impromptu jail with bombs.

It ended in explosions, gunfire and flame on Sept. 3, when a chaotic battle erupted after two blasts shook the gymnasium.

The battle left 331 people dead, including 186 children; the dead terrorists are not included in the count.

The charges against the police supervisors would seem straightforward enough. 

Prosecutors allege that in late August 2004 the police station where the officers served received a written order from the region’s Interior Ministry, warning of possible terrorist acts and instructing the station to increase security on roads and at schools.

School No.1 is almost next door to the police station. But the police under the officers’ command are alleged to have taken no evident steps to thwart the terrorists, an armed band in masks that passed unchallenged through local roads and found the school guarded by a lone police officer who had no gun.

Prosecutors have tried to keep the attention on these issues, asking survivors who live near the school, for example, whether in late August the police warned them of the possibility of a terrorist attack.

The survivors almost uniformly reject the prosecutors’ narrow approach. “I consider these police officers guilty, but they are not the main people who are guilty,” said Taisiya Nogayeva, a former hostage who lost a daughter in the siege. Nogayeva said the trial must bring to light information about the larger ineptitude and callousness of the government’s handling of the siege.

Nogayeva, Kesayeva and Oziyev all allege missteps, mistakes and lies by senior government officials that they say were worse than any failings of their local police.

Both the national and regional government said during the siege, for instance, that only 354 hostages had been taken, about one-third of the real number. This undercut proper planning for their rescue and medical attention during the battle, survivors say.

Even by Sept. 3, few ambulances had been positioned near the school. This meant that when hundreds of wounded hostages stumbled free or were carried out during the battle, they did not receive first aid until they were taken to the hospital in private cars.

An insecure cordon was also made around the school – in places within range of the terrorist’s grenade-launchers – and it broke down during the last battle, which the survivors allege allowed some terrorists to escape.

The survivors’ list goes on. As the battle intensified, Russian soldiers and commandos shot shoulder-fired rockets and tank rounds into the school, some say indiscriminately.

Fire trucks were late to arrive and did not begin to extinguish the fire in the gym until most of its ceiling and roof had collapsed, pinning wounded hostages beneath burning plastic and wood.

Moreover, multiple command centers were established, leaving it unclear to this day who was in charge.

The survivors also allege that Russian officials, under Putin’s instructions, negotiated only halfheartedly with the terrorists, enraging the captors, endangering the hostages and making a violent end more likely.

Given these allegations, the survivors say the Kremlin and the Russian security services are playing a dirty game, trying to shift blame onto three local police officers and away from themselves.

Elbrus Nogayev, a retired police colonel who lost his wife and daughter in the siege, said that despite the common hindsight that a police counterattack against the terrorists in the first minutes might have saved lives, such an attack was out of the question. The terrorists, at least 32 in all, were mingled with the children, he said. It was too dangerous to start a gun battle among them.

“Only negotiations could have stopped it,” he said. “Not these three men.””


Prison Fellowship Russia was formed in 2001, in close collaboration with the Russian Orthodox Church and other Christian confessions, with a focus on prison reform and rehabilitation. Currently operating in all 1,010 prisons in the nation, PF Russia impacts the lives of prisoners as well as their family members through caring outreach by volunteers and well designed programmes. Thousands of volunteers help every year in making Angel Tree, children and youth services, mentoring, restorative justice programs, and material assistance available for prisoners and their families.


Freedom Through Song
Russian prisoners had the chance to sing for their freedom in an annual concert held in St. Petersburg.
Life After Prison
In southwestern Russia, released prisoners know that receiving a helping hand at the PF Russia Rehabilitation Centre can make the smooth transition back into society a reality.
Christmas Comes Twice a Year
PF Russia launched a Christian summer camp for prisoners’ children where they can participate in sports, hear Bible stories and encourage each other.
“Lifers” Reach out to Juveniles
“Don’t make the same mistakes!” That is the message prisoners serving life-sentences are sending to young inmates in an effort to help them change their self-destructive path.
Prospekt Mira, VVC, Str.70
Moscow, 129223 Russian Federation


Executive Director: Valery Zhirnov
Board Chairperson: Boris A. Sushkov
Phone: +(7499) 760 3918
Phone: +(7499) 760 3908
Fax: +(7499) 760 3918
Email: pfrussia@yandex.ru

In 1983, [Cressida] Dick joined the Metropolitan Police as a constable. In 1993, she joined the accelerated promotion course at Bramshill Police College, and in 1995, transferred to Thames Valley Police as a superintendent. She was operations superintendent at Oxford, and later, served as area commander in Oxford for three years. In 2000, she completed the strategic command course and, in 2001, she was awarded an M.Phil in criminology from the University of Cambridge (Fitzwilliam College), graduating with the highest grade in her class.[5]
In June 2001, she returned to the Metropolitan Police as a commander, where she was head of the diversity directorate until 2003. She then became the head of Operation Trident, which investigates gun crimes within London’s black community.

In the immediate aftermath of 21 July 2005 London bombings, she was the gold commander in the [Serco] control room during the operation, which led to the death of the Brazilian Jean Charles de Menezes, wrongly identified as an attempted suicide bomber, on 22 July 2005.

In September 2006, the Metropolitan Police Authority announced her promotion to the rank of deputy assistant commissioner, specialist operations. On 30 June 2009 the Metropolitan Police Authority further announced her promotion to assistant commissioner, in charge of the Specialist Crime Directorate.[6] According to a BBC radio documentary, she is a supporter of the charity, Common Purpose UK, having attended a course in 1995/96 while serving in Thames Valley Police[7][8]

In July 2011, Dick was appointed assistant commissioner, specialist operations following the resignation of John Yates, who stepped down in the wake of the phone hacking scandal.[9]
Dick was appointed acting deputy commissioner, and held the post between the retirement of Tim Godwin and the commencement of the new deputy commissioner Craig Mackey‘s term at the beginning of 2012. She held the rank until 23 January 2012.[10]
In February 2013, she was assessed as one of the 100 most powerful women in the United Kingdom by Woman’s Hour onBBC Radio 4.[11]

Common Purpose in Scotland started back in 1992 and since then, over 2,300 people have graduated from our courses.

People who have completed a Common Purpose course in Scotland include: Rick Clark, Group Finance Director, Reservoir Group; Habib Malik, Head of Islamic Relief Scotland; Pat Armstrong, Executive Director, Association of Chief Officers of Scottish Voluntary Organisations; Brendan Dick, Managing Director, UK Regions, BT plc; Julie Proctor, Chief Executive, Greenspace Scotland; Richard Bissland, Managing Director, 999 Design; Janet Brown, Chief Executive, Scottish Qualifications Authority; Anton Colella, Chief Executive, Institute of Chartered Accountants of Scotland; Audrey Gillespie, Regional Operations Director, Scotland & NW England – Premier Inns/Whitbread Group; and Janet Halliday, Director of Research & Development, Ferring Controlled Therapeutics Ltd.

Local organisations that have recently placed people on courses in Scotland include: Aberdeen Harbour Board; TAQA Bratani Limited; the Scottish Government; City of Edinburgh Council; APEX Scotland; Scottish Natural Heritage; The Premier Property Group Ltd; Student Loans Company; Turning Point Scotland; Rolls-Royce; Scottish Crime & Drug Enforcement Agency; Glasgow Housing Association; Radisson Hotels; Aberlour Childcare Trust; Stirling Council; British Red Cross; Laing O’Rourke Scotland; Al Maktoum College of Higher Education; Fairmont St Andrews Hotel.

Open courses offered in Scotland range from those for young people at secondary school, higher and further education, through to early/middle management, and senior managers / executives.  We also offer customised workshops and courses for organisations looking to create something more bespoke for their staff teams. Whether open courses or customised, we are always deliberately cross-sectoral in those we involve to ensure diversity of input and broaden participants’ vision. [Allegedly introducing and compromising them with LGBT honeypots including the webcast of child pornography over the MI-3 Innholders’ hotel Wi-Fi]

What is Focus?

A leadership programme for established leaders from all sectors and backgrounds based in places that are dispersed or more remote.

Over six days participants examine their locality and the world that surrounds it. They explore a range of real-life leadership challenges – based in anything from a prison to a casualty unit; a trading floor to a production plant; a rehab centre to a radio station – in small groups, learning constantly from each other, the contributors and the experience of operating in very unfamiliar situations.

The result is that participants develop an understanding of how their area really works, the impact of their decisions and become more effective leaders at work and in wider society.”
Yours sincerely,
Field McConnell, United States Naval Academy, 1971; Forensic Economist; 30 year airline and 22 year military pilot; 23,000 hours of safety; Tel: 715 307 8222

David Hawkins Tel: 604 542-0891 Forensic Economist; former leader of oil-well blow-out teams; now sponsors Grand Juries in CSI Crime and Safety Investigation
565 Total Views 1 Views Today
Please follow and like us:

Related Post